The Reasons for Socialism's Weakness in the U.S.

Socialism never has been, and likely never will be feasible in the U.S. on a mass scale(at least not in our lifetimes). We should accept this fact at the start in order to get a productive dialogue going. Otherwise, we are simply deluding ourselves like groups such as the RCP and ISO.
The early part of the 20th Century was actually quite ripe for socialism in this country in myriad ways. In fact, that is the only time at which socialism was a viable, organized political movement in large portions of the U.S. For that matter, even Communism was feasible at that time!
So the question is, what has happened since then? Why has socialism been such a weak force? Why is socialism taboo? Why is there a “socialist bogeyman.”(if there is one…), and how do we get rid of him? I argue that there are three main factors accounting for this: the betrayal of Marxist ideals by the Soviet Union and its followers, the ineffective use of rhetoric and language by the left, and the lack of a communitarian tradition in America, along with the corresponding emphasis on rugged individualism(lift yourself up by your bootstraps!).
The 1920’s and 30’s were particularly fertile time periods for socialism in the U.S. While socialist movements (and social democratic ones as well, as the two go hand-in-hand), have flourished across both the industrialized world and the Global South, the high water of socialism in America was reached around 1912 or so, when Eugene Debs won over 5% of the vote nationwide(even getting ~ 10% in Mid-Western radical bastions such as Oklahoma and Kansas!). After the Depression and the fall of the New Left, all strains of socialism have been largely fringe movements, little more than utopian fantasies in the U.S., as well as several other non-European industrialized, democratic states(such as Canada, Australia, South Korea, New Zealand, and Japan…). In such states, GDP per capita (average standard of living…) was too high; therefore, the (largely urban) proletariat, despite their miserable conditions vis a vis the ruling class, had little incentive for revolution.
Although their relative conditions were poor in the U.S., their absolute conditions were considered decent when looked at in terms of the whole world. For instance, a low-level blue collar worker in the U.S. usually has at least some housing, no matter how sub-standard it may be, while the same worker in Africa or China might only have a hut or some cardboard and a tin roof. Therefore, the poor American looks at the starving peasants in the Global South and believes he is lucky to live in America. He counts himself lucky to have what he does, rather than focusing on the real enemy, the ruling class and capitalism.
Despite terrible wealth inequality(symbolized by the terrible Gini coefficient…), malnutrition and hunger, low (and declining) real wages, and especially pitiful health care (The US was ranked 40th by the World Health Organization, behind such countries as Slovenia and Morocco!), the working class was pacified and crippled by “bread and circuses”(professional sports, reality tv…), a poor education system fostering ignorance, a complacent corporate media, and lack of a global perspective.
Organizing and education will take years to overcome these practically insurmountable (and very daunting, even for lefty veterans from the 60’s, etc…) odds. How can we change this? Unfortunately, but rather predictably, there are no easy answers. Post your thoughts here! I will post my own thoughts in a forthcoming essay.
6 Comments:
Well, the image you use on your post is from Seymour Martin Lipset and Gary Marks' book on American Socialism, which offers some possible answers to your question.
As I see it, their most interesting theory is that the American left has been more radical and generally "libertarian" (in the true sense of the word, i.e. anarchistic)than its counterpart in Western Europe. Eugene Debs and Daniel De Leon, godfathers of American socialism, were both founders of the IWW, the proto-typical anarcho-syndicalist labor union. Debs pretty friendly toward anarchists and anarchist ideas, much to the horror of Victor Berger and the more sensible "constructive socialists" in the party.
Think also of the way in which the socialist parties of Europe responded to WWI. In general, European Social Democrats supported the war efforts in their respective countries, voting for war credits when necessary, betraying their earlier committments to internationalism. The Socialist Party of America stuck to its principles... and paid a terrible political price for it.
Hey Adrian,
Thanks for your comments. I should disclose that I have not actually read that book yet-it is on my long, long reading list, though!
You have a good point about the libertarian tendencies of our left. But I think that those tendencies were largely supplanted. Let's face it-the IWW was largely moribund after WWI, other than some brief upsurges. And it REALLY was dead after the fall of the New Left.
As for your point about the war, I do not know enough about that topic. So are you saying that the SPUSA was foolish to stick to its ideological guns? I fail to see how this is relevant to the larger point. That is not really a refutation of your argument, but more of a pleas for you to elaborate your line of reasoning further.
Lipset and Marks aren't radicals by any means(although they may be former lefties)so don't expect anything too sympathetic.
Also, I forgot the most famous thesis as to why the U.S. has never developed a socialist or labor party. Werner Sombart in 'Why is there no Socialism in the United States?' predicted that, in America, Socialism would crash "on reefs of roast beef and apple pie." The idea being that we are too fat and happy to rally 'round the "people's flag."
Nothing here I'd disagree with--but give the conservative movement some credit! Its efforts after 1945 contributed to the waning popularity of socialism. And it wasn't all cranky individualist Americans--Albert Jay Nock, Frank Chodorov, Richard Weaver, Peter Viereck, Russell Kirk, and others were quite sophisticated thinkers, and they succeeded in drawing on some powerful intellectual traditions in forming their arguments. In addition, the conservative movement benefited the influence of Europeans, many of them World War II refugees, like Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, Leo Strauss, Eric Voeglin, and Eric von Kuehnelt-Leddihn.
In the brief moment before this part of the YDS Blog is deleted, I want to discourse in some of the opinions of the author.
I admire the attempt to find a historical and cultural context from which to understand the trajectory of the American Left. At the same time, I want to emphasize that we should always be leery of too quickly finding a single "cause" for the state of the Left. Furthermore, as I have argued elsewhere, we should be very careful about what we mean by "the left" in the US. I think we would be mistaken to apply European criteria to the exceptional nature of the US left. Surely, we have been influenced in many ways by european ideas, not the least of which landed here with migrant populations from Italy, Spain, etc. It is worth noting that the ideological dimensions of the IWW (as much as we can say they were coherent) were informed not only by Debs and DeLeon (both of whom bailed on the Wobs shortly after the founding convention) but by the rank and file immigrant membership--which had an interesting variety of continental ideas.
Also, we have a rich and resourceful history of organizing and fighting for freedom in this country that looks quite different from European models. The IWW are already one good example (and, as an aside, the ideology of the wobs was not located primarily at the point of production but involved agrarian, utopian, and marxist, and anarchist tendencies that included organizing the unemployed and *not* the trade unions). Another example, at the opposite end of the century, is the civil rights movement.
But on to my main point. Ben may be right that socialism is impossible in this country. But it is difficult to understand that assertion without really understanding what one means by "socialism." We might note that government participates in the mode of production, that there is an admittedly shitty "dole," and so on. The point, though, is that these examples do more to highlight the grave inadequacies of the current situation than suggest we are headed towards a more socialistic future.
On the other hand, I get the sense that there is a possibility of movement toward socialism but that it may take forms we are particularly incapable of understanding BECAUSE of the "trained incapacity" of our ideologies and organizational affiliations (read: big S "S" socialists and big "DSA" DSA).
This may seem counterintuitive. But we must ask ourselves about the raison d'etre of DSA. If it is not to help "usher" in the era of progressive politics then, wtf is it good for?
No one any more considers DSA as a player on the political scene in the US. I need do no more than cite the massive level of YDS alumni who never join, pay dues or lip service to the DSA. It is also enough to cite the "energy" and "talent" of young progressive folks in the Democratic Party. This energy seems to me to be the primary expression of the movement toward a better future.
Why are we not among that energy?
"It lacks ideology," is one answer. I am not convinced that this Next Left I am describing lacks ideology--if by that we mean an organizing set of ideas and beliefs that orients an understanding of the world. But if we mean that ideology is a synonym for a critique of capitalism, I guess the question is up for debate.
So, what does the DSA have to offer in the way of ideology? Well, we have the texts of our heroes, or at least, my heroes (namely, Harrington).
But the really embarrasing thing is not that we are underorganized by stupid people (which we are) but that we really haven't had a single goddamn good idea in a while. Our analysis has been shoddy. Our political program is 5 years out of date. Our statements reflect identity crisis.
Simply, a lot of our very talented thinkers have put energies elsewhere, I think, smartly. This is a really good thing and, I think, the raison d'etre of YDS: to train and socialize smart and energetic youth into a political world.
For this reason, my commitment to YDS is, and has always been, unwavering. It is also why I think it is extremely dangerous to think of YDS and/or DSA as a "vehicle" or as somehow involved directly in political stakes. It is therefore also dangerous to assume the point of "organizing" in YDS is primarily to effect some kind of direct societal change. No doubt, it is really great when we do in fact win battles against folks like Sodexho or we get someone elected or we make places like Arkansas and Arizona more receptive to socialist politics. But what really really matters if we want to be visionary gradualists is "long distance running"--to snatch another term from Harrington. And long distance running means understanding YDS as a moment or as a place where young people can understand themselves as political and as responsible for channeling their ideas and resent of power into positive and useful activities. This immanent process of socialization is the primary utility of YDS (the organization). This process of socialization involves education and it involves activism and it involves policy-making but it cannot be reduced to any of these things, particularly to organizing.
So, to sum up this long-winded argument: YDS matters because the energy behind the progressive tendencies of youth involved in electoral activism becomes "socialized" into an incredibly limited sense of political agency. YDS may serve as a corrective to this problem on a large scale if it ever got its shit together. DSA, well, it funds YDS.
minor change to one paragraph above--where I say
"the really embarrasing thing is not that we are underorganized by stupid people (which we are)"
I meant to say the really embarrasing thing is not that we are "out-organized" by stupid people...
The difference is minor but it matters. I've always felt that every YDS organizer I've ever met always promoted critical thought.
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